Racial Differences and Pedestrian Safety

In the 1990s, federal legislation was passed requiring transportation planning to incorporate the interests of all stakeholder groups. One urban transportation mode that is often ignored is pedestrian movement. A group particularly susceptible to difficulties in this mode is the elderly. This study surveys the attitudes of senior citizens in regard to pedestrian safety and motorist interactions. We examine the attitudes of elderly pedestrians concerning many aspects of pedestrian travel. The study finds that this group often views itself as disenfranchised. This study provides insight into what areas of pedestrian activity the elderly find troublesome and looks at the differences between urban and rural attitudes in regard to this issue. The results show that African Americans and Asians have a much higher rate of positive (safety conscious) responses to the questions in the survey. This indicates that they believe that they are more aware of pedestrian safety and that they comply with laws regarding pedestrian safety at a higher rate than their Caucasian counterparts. In addition, gender and geographical location seem to impact the responses. Urban seniors have a much higher positive response rate than suburban and ex-urban seniors. Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2005 38 A comparison with previous work finds that these attitudes expressed in the survey are at odds with the known demographic data concerning who is at higher risk to be involved in a pedestrian accident. The increased awareness on the part of urban respondents is compatible with the more pedestrian-friendly environment of urban areas, but the racial difference in responses is not compatible with the accident data. Introduction It is important to analyze the attitudes and needs of senior citizens on pedestrian safety since not much has been written on the topic. This is despite the fact that the elderly are more vulnerable to fatal accidents (Winter 1984; Harrell 1996; Carmeli et al. 2000). In particular, there is a lack of literature that examines the racial differences in attitudes toward safety. This is paradoxical since minorities are at a greater risk of pedestrian accidents (Campos-Outcalt et al. 2003; Surface Transportation Policy Project [STPP] 2002). The changing nature of national transportation policy since the early 1990s creates an emphasis on concerns for the elderly, especially their safety. This changing focus also creates an emphasis on sustainable development and livable cities. The concepts of sustainable development1 and livable cities are synonymous, and such cities should include compact urban form, reduced automobile use, and creation of livable and community-oriented human environments (Wheeler 2000; Frey 1999; Duany et al. 2000).2 Clearly, a community-oriented environment would take into account the attitudes and needs of seniors concerning their safety and perceived pedestrian problems. Given this situation, the article examines the attitudes of senior citizens in Maryland toward pedestrian safety and pedestrian safety campaigns. We examine the differences in attitudes by geographic dispersion (urban vs. rural), gender, and race. We first present a brief overview of the changing nature of the national transportation policy and its implications for the elderly and sustainable cities. This is followed by a review of the literature of pedestrian safety especially as it relates to seniors and various racial groups and effectiveness of campaigns. We then present the data and methodology. This is followed by the results of a survey of more than 800 seniors in the central Maryland region concerning pedestrian safety and attitudes. The next section contains the results of six focus groups that were conducted to hear the opinions of the elderly on transportation and pedestrian safety and maneuverability. The final section contains some concluding remarks, implications for policy, and recommendations. Racial Differences and Pedestrian Safety 39 Changing Nature of U.S. Transportation Policy and Its Implications For most of the past century, national transportation policy focused on accommodating the demand for travel and the needs of automobiles through the construction of roads and other transportation facilities (Horan and Jordan 1998). Soon after World War II, the United States embarked on construction of a 44,000-mile nationwide system of highways with the passage of the Federal Highway Act of 1956 and the implementation of the Interstate and Defense Highways program. Construction of highways became one of the largest civil engineering feats of the century, but also tore apart the existing urban fabric of the United States (Kay 1997). Interest in such issues as the travel needs of the elderly has recently taken hold among transportation planners and policy-makers as they address such issues as environmental justice, integration of bicycling and walking into transportation systems, disability, and the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996 (welfare to work).3 Public participation and equity is also central to accomplishing the vision of the Transportation Equity Act of the 21st Century (TEA-21) of 1998, which builds on the Intermodal Transportation Equity Act of 1991 (ISTEA).4 Passage of ISTEA by the Congress in 1991 fundamentally altered U.S. transportation policy. As pointed out by Horan and Jordan (1998), ISTEA created an urban transportation planning process that linked it to several policy domains—environmental, economic, and social. The goal was to improve the overall quality of life in communities. Its policy emphasis included improved mobility for the elderly, disabled, and economically disadvantaged. As discussed, this changing focus also creates an emphasis on sustainable development and livable cities that include compact urban form, reduced automobile use, and livable and community-oriented human environments. Certainly, ensuring a safe pedestrian environment for the elderly is a step toward promoting such cities. Concerns for the elderly, especially their safety, are also central to accomplishing the vision of TEA-21 of 1998, which builds on ISTEA (Passwell 2001). In addition, USDOT adopted strategic goals that emphasize nondiscrimination in implementation of programs, policies, and activities (http://stratplan.dot.gov/archive). The “Human and Natural Environment Strategic Goal,” outlined in USDOT’s “Strategic Plan” (http://stratplan.dot.gov/archive), calls for the protection and enhancement of communities and natural environments affected by transportation. Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2005 40 The evolution of transportation policy includes a concern for the environmental justice issues of equity and the evaluation of impacts on various demographic groups. The origins of government’s attempts to address the environmental justice issue date back to February 11, 1994, when President Clinton signed Executive Order (E.O.) 12898, Federal Actions to Address Environmental Justice in Minority Populations and Low-Income Populations. In response to presidential directives concerning E.O. 12898, USDOT issued a proposed Environmental Justice Strategy on February 13, 1995, and then a final order on the subject, Order No. 5610.2 (Order to Address Environmental Justice in Minority Populations and Low-Income Populations), on April 15, 1997. The Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) issued DOT Order No. 6640.23, FHWA Actions to Address Environmental Justice in Minority Populations and Low Income Populations, on December 2, 1998. The order requires the FHWA to implement the principles of the DOT Order 5610.2 and E.O. 12898 by incorporating environmental justice principles in all FHWA programs, policies, and activities (Forkenbrock and Schweitzer 1999). One of the common modes of urban transportation is by foot—pedestrian. While transportation infrastructure tends to concentrate on public transit and highway and road systems, pedestrian needs are supposed to be considered as important when devising these systems. One group of citizens who tend to use public transportation and pedestrian infrastructures to move about are the elderly. This age group tends to suffer from medical conditions that require extra care, time, or infrastructure to safely maneuver in or near traffic. ISTEA and TEA-21 require jurisdictions to consider the needs of this constituency when planning transportation systems. The results of this article provide an interesting insight into the opinions of this large stakeholder group’s feelings toward pedestrian transportation problems and the safety of walking in the presence of automobile traffic. The results point to differences in these feelings that are a function of gender, race, and, in some instances, geographical location. Understanding these differences is critical to the implementation of a public transportation infrastructure that incorporates pedestrian traffic. Review of the Literature Previous work in this area is sparse and focuses primarily on safety initiatives that involve infrastructure, driving patterns, and jaywalking tendencies. Of course, Racial Differences and Pedestrian Safety 41 there are a few exceptions. Harrell (1996), for example, examines the perception of the elderly on traffic risks especially in signal-controlled crossings in the Canadian context. Impact of variables such as gender, traffic and pedestrian volume, and demographic characteristics on perceptions are an integral part of the study. However, there is an abundance of literature on peripheral subjects. These include pedestrian walkways and habits (Hess et al. 1999); relationships between pedestrian accident locations on state owned facilities such as highways and urban arterials and the presence of riders loading and alighting from bus transit (Hess et al. 2004); effect of travel speeds and locations on pedestrian accidents (Gårder 2004); leader-follower behavior as it applies to jaywalking (Russell et al. 2001); safety of elderly pedestrians during street crossing (Carmeli 2002); sociodemographic and health characteristics and problems of older pedestrians (Langlois et al. 1997); safety and security of elderly and disabled travelers through the application of Intelligent Transportation Systems (ITS) (Mitchell and Suen 1998); difference in accident and fatality rates by race and gender (STPP 2002; Campos-Outcalt et al. 2003); and benefits of educational campaigns on pedestrian safety (Tyrrell et al. 2004; Mendelsohn 1973). Despite their peripheral treatment, some of these studies have significance for this article. For example, Hess et al. (1999) found that pedestrian walkways in urban areas are much more pedestrian friendly than those in suburban areas. Safe pedestrian activity in suburban areas requires the pedestrian to detour much more often and for longer lengths than in urban areas. This increases the incentive to jaywalk and engage in other unsafe practices. We find similar findings in both the survey responses and the focus group discussions. Langlois et al. (1997) and Carmeli (2002) discuss the need for consideration of the special needs of elderly pedestrians such as increased crossing times and reduced traffic speeds. Focus group discussions highlighted these concerns among the elderly in our sample as well. Studies that show racial and gender differences in jaywalking tendencies, pedestrian accidents, and fatalities are also of importance to our study since we found that minorities who are at greater risk have a higher perception of their own safe behavior and follow safety laws more stringently. Russell et al. (2001), for example, examined leader-follower behavior as it applied to jaywalking. “Models” were used to determine if observing someone jaywalking encouraged others to follow suit. It was found that this was the case. While there were only small differences, the study did find that African Americans were more likely to follow a “model” and Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2005 42 jaywalk than Caucasians (5% for women and 7% for men). Our survey responses do not follow this result in that African Americans claim a much higher adherence to pedestrian laws than Caucasians. An STPP study (2002) contains data describing the high accident rate for minority pedestrians in California. This is a trend that is heuristically observed nationally. Racial and gender differences in fatality rates also were established by other studies. Campos-Outcalt et al. (2003) explored rates of pedestrian fatalities in Arizona and how rates and circumstances of pedestrian deaths differ by race/ethnicity, urban or rural residence, age, and gender. The study found that American Indians had rates of pedestrian deaths higher than those of non-Hispanic whites. American Indian pedestrian death rates and relative risks were higher in rural areas than in urban areas. Compared to non-Hispanic whites, urban Hispanic males, rural Hispanic females, and urban African American females had higher relative risks. Articles that illustrate the benefits of campaigns are also of special relevance to our study. Tyrrell et al. (2004), for example, states that designing and implementing research-based public education campaigns aimed at reducing pedestrians’ overestimates of their own nighttime visibility could increase pedestrian safety. An earlier study (Mendelsohn 1973) argues that social science research can make public campaigns more effective by determining appropriate targets, themes, appeals, and media vehicles. As suggested by the study, the major task facing the communicator is to recognize, understand, and attempt to overcome public apathy. Here, social science research can be useful in determining appropriate targets, themes, appeals, and media vehicles. Our findings point to some of these targets and themes as expressed by different demographic groups. Data and Methodology This article draws from a study that was conducted as part of a research project funded by the Maryland State Highway Administration (Reed and Sen 2004) and the National Transportation Center at Morgan State University. The research was aimed at evaluating a public service campaign, “Walk Smart,” concerning pedestrian safety as well as finding attitudes of citizens in regards to pedestrian safety. The results from general attitudes and desires concerning future safety campaigns are presented, but the effectiveness of the campaign is not assessed in this article. For a full discussion of the campaign and attitudes concerning the campaign, see Reed and Sen (2004). Racial Differences and Pedestrian Safety 43 There were 809 valid returned surveys in our sample. Eighteen surveys were completed by people accompanying a senior to the senior center (under the age of 50); and those under the age of 65 completed a total of 110 surveys. Thus, almost 90 percent of the surveys are from people over the age of 65. The basic demographic description of the data is presented in Table 1. Most of the respondents (over 60%) were from Baltimore City. This is partially a function of demographics (a large number of seniors live in Baltimore City) and partially a function of the cooperativeness of the senior center coordinators in the city. In addition, just over two-thirds of the surveys were completed by Caucasians and about 20 percent by African Americans. Respondents were not selected randomly from the population of senior citizens in the region. Instead, they were contacted through senior citizen centers in the region. While it is impossible to say with certainty, the average respondent would Table 1. Demographic Summary of Survey Data Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2005 44 likely be more active and more mobile than the average senior citizen in the region. It is impossible to accurately predict how this might change the responses to the survey. At worst, the survey should be representative of the opinions and attitudes of active senior citizens. Obviously, more active seniors are more indicative of those who use pedestrian facilities on a regular basis. Table 1 contains the demographic information about the survey respondents. As can be seen, almost 85 percent of the respondents were female. This overrepresentation is most noticeable in the senior centers in Baltimore City. Approximately 18 percent of the survey responses were from African Americans, and 6 percent were from Asians. Two-thirds of the responses were from seniors who identified themselves as Caucasian. Due to the help we received from administrators, the senior centers in the City of Baltimore are very well represented in the sample. Outlying counties are not as well represented, but the number of responses from outlying areas still allows significant results to be presented. Survey Results Results from the survey are presented briefly in a descriptive fashion, and then the racial and gender driven results are highlighted. Attitudes toward pedestrian safety depicted in the survey responses are similar to those that researchers and professionals in the field would expect, with a few notable exceptions. Table 2 contains the overall results of the responses of seniors to the surveys. Several results are notable, even in this overall portrayal of the results where responses were, generally, as anticipated. While over 60 percent of the seniors were from the city of Baltimore (and another 10% or so from other cities, such as Frederick), less than 50 percent claimed that they walked most often in the city. This implies that many of the seniors who live in the city either do not walk at all or go elsewhere to do their walking. Approximately 60 percent of the sample walked at least once a week. Nearly all, 96 percent, of seniors said that they thought it was important to only cross streets at a crosswalk. This is a fairly high acceptance rate for a law that does not enjoy universal acceptance among professionals or the public. However, slightly less than 75 percent of the seniors say they follow this law when they are mid-block and wish to cross the street. These numbers are not surprising and show what professionals might expect from pedestrians. Racial Differences and Pedestrian Safety 45 Table 2. Responses to Survey Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2005 46 The answers to question P6 are interesting in that they give insight about why seniors might or might not use a crosswalk. Approximately 50 percent of the seniors answered in a fashion that implied they would always use a crosswalk. Other answers implied that alternatives other than the crosswalk were considered (such as a mid-block crossing). In fact, the answers to question P10 give further insight into these decisions. Almost 80 percent of seniors say they are more likely to use a crosswalk in the presence of their children or grandchildren. This means that they make a conscious decision to use the crosswalk with their children or grandchildren that they might not make if they were not present. This implies both knowledge that using crosswalks is a good habit to “pass on” and an admission that they might consider a mid-block crossing without the children or grandchildren present. These answers highlight a fairly responsible attitude toward pedestrian safety that matches what professionals would expect from the surveyed group. Once the answers are examined demographically, there are many results that are quite insightful and, at times, surprising. Regressions were run to determine the impact of various demographic characteristics on the responses of seniors. Table 3 contains the results of the regression for some general questions about pedestrian safety. The regressions were of the form: R i = α + β M M+β U U+β B B+β A A+β O O